Doris Wise Montrose

“West Virginia Senate President Kills Machine Gun Bill: West Virginia Senate Bill 1071, commonly referred to as the “Machine Gun Bill,” will not proceed in the current legislative session.” In a move that has triggered debate among gun rights advocates and lawmakers, West Virginia Senate Bill 1071, commonly referred to as the “Machine Gun Bill,”

“What just happened in West Virginia? One minute we’re talking about a bill to legalize the transfer of machine guns, then we’re hearing it’s being passed out of the Senate Judiciary Committee only to have it suddenly die. Washington Gun Law President, William Kirk, and Todd LaNeve of West Virginia Gun Law sit down to

This is an interesting take on United States v. Hemani. The author highlights a “weird dichotomy”: we treat gun ownership as a supreme individual right, yet the government strips it away based on “collectivism”—placing people into “disfavored categories” (like marijuana users) without any proof of actual dangerousness. The article isn’t just about the Second Amendment;

How Roberts, Brown, and Jensen are challenging a 90-year-old federal law and why it matters to Jewish self-defense. If you’ve followed Jews Can Shoot for any length of time, you understand something that gets lost in a lot of mainstream gun debates: for Jewish Americans, the right to armed self-defense isn’t abstract. It’s historical. It’s personal. And

Utah Sen. Mike Lee has unveiled a new bill that would allow individuals who can lawfully possess a firearm to carry a handgun in all 50 states, without the need for a state-issued permission slip. Lee’s National Constitutional Carry Act would be a huge change to federal law, which at the moment leaves the right to carry

While passage of President Donald Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill eliminated the $200 tax stamp on suppressors, short-barreled rifles (SBRs), short-barreled shotguns (SBSs), and other National Firearms Act (NFA) items, many in the firearms community are pushing further. Lawsuits have been filed and federal legislation introduced to completely eliminate the NFA, which is now, technically, a tax

This article breaks down a discussion between Second Amendment attorneys Mark W. Smith and Stephen P. Halbrook on the legal gaps in the post-1986 machine gun ban. They show how 18 U.S.C. § 922(o) allows possession “under the authority of” a state, while the ATF’s regulation adds a narrower “for the benefit of government” rule.

From Comments: “If the gov’t sees MJ users the same as drunkards (who aren’t barred the possession of arms) then it seems the Fed just made the case for removing 4473 Item 21f.” Are regular marijuana users the modern equivalent of “habitual drunkards” at the Founding? What about someone who regularly takes a sleep gummy?

In Benson v. United States, the District of Columbia Court of Appeals—not to be confused with the federal United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit—ruled that Washington, D.C.’s ban on magazines holding more than ten rounds is unconstitutional. The District of Columbia Court of Appeals is the highest court in D.C.,

From what I’ve learned, states can delegate some administrative tasks to private companies, such as allowing third-party providers to handle driver’s licenses, but that power applies only where the state has legal authority. They cannot use delegation to bypass federal law. Anything prohibited by federal statutes, like civilian machine guns, remains illegal, and private ‘agents’